K33 




» 525 
K35 
opy 1 



ADDRESS OF 

Mr. John W. Kempster 

ON THE GREAT CONFLICT BETWEEN 

RIGHT and MIGHT 

BEFORE THE 

ULSTER LIBERAL ASSOCIATION 
BELFAST, IRELAND 



New York 

The James Kempster Printing Company 

117-121 Liberty Street 






ADDRESS OF 

Mr. JOHN W. KEMPSTER 

ON 

"THE GREAT CONFLICT BETWEEN 
RIGHT AND MIGHT'* 



Reprint from THE ULSTER GUARDIAN, September 1&, 1914 



To the East Belfast Branch of the Ulster Liberal 
Association belongs the credit of being the first in the 
field in holding a public meeting in Belfast for the pur- 
pose of discussing the present war and the tremendous 
issues involved. 

The interest taken by the general public was evidenced 
by the large attendance — hundreds being unable to obtain 
admission. In one respect, at least, the meeting was 
unique in the political annals of Belfast, inasmuch as 
party politics were rigorously excluded, all the speeches 
being confined to the European situation. 

The back of the platform was beautifully decorated 
with the national flags of Great Britain and the Allies — 
France, Belgium, Russia and Japan. 

Mr. Kempster's address was a lucid and comprehensive 
survey of the whole situation. Beginning with an historic 
resume of the rise and progress of Germany, the speaker 
dealt in turn with the balance of power in Europe: the 
situation preceding the war ; the Balkan question ; the 
White Paper ; Germany's attitude and the issues now at 
stake. The address was listened to throughout with rapt 
attention, and the hearty and unanimous applause which 



punctuated the speech showed how effectively the speaker 
had carried his audience with him. Amongst those 
present on the platform were Messrs. Harford H. Mont- 
gomery (chairman), the Right Hon. R. G. Glendinning, 
Rev. R. W. Seaver, B.D. ; Rev. W. J. Calvin, Thomas 
Scott, J.P. ; Wm. Hunter, J.P. ; Samuel Hall, James 
Wood, Wm. Mateer, J. W. Diamond, H. A. Crooks, J.P. ; 
J. Steadman, J. R. T. Mulholland, J.P. ; A. P. Kempster, 
S. J. Forrest, A. H. Kerr, W. H. Davey, M.A., B.L. 
(Editor of Ulster Guardian) ; Thomas M'Dowell (Or- 
ganizing Secretary Ulster Liberal Association) ; and 
Henry H. Graham, J.P. (Hon. Secretary Ulster Liberal 
Association), etc., etc. 

The Chairman,' who was heartily received, said that, 
although called under the auspices of that association, 
it was not a political party meeting, and questions regard- 
ing home politics would be rigidly excluded from the 
remarks made by Mr. Kempster and others who might 
address them. (Applause.) Whatever might have been 
their differences in the past, however acute they might 
become in the future, to-night he hoped and believed they 
stood as a united people, banded together by a common 
purpose, and that not only for defensive and offensive 
action against a common foe, but for the protection of 
the rights and liberties of other nations, either smaller 
and weaker, or less fortunately situated geographically 
than they were. (Loud Applause.) 

THE GREAT CONFLICT. 

Our Empire is engaged in the greatest struggle of 
the world's history, a life and death conflict for its very 
existence, and in face of such transcendent issue, party 
politics should dissolve and only patriotism remain. Each 
citizen, whether privileged to fight or merely to work and 



1 f U/ . 3-(n/^dt^ 



help, by whatsoever means at his disposal, must bear 
full share in the heat and burden of this tremendous 
contest, which is one between freedom, justice, public 
law, and honor on the one hand, as opposed to self- 
aggrandizement, brute force, and broken pledges. 
(Applause.) This is not an ordinary European war. 
It is the attempt of one great military power, Geniiany, 
aided by Austria, its satrap, to become supreme, and to 
dominate and shape the policy of the world. We have, 
in the past, faced greater odds with fewer friends, and, 
now however prolonged the conflict, and at whatever 
cost, the war must be carried through to a successful 
finish. (Loud applause.) Our honor as a nation, and 
our Empire are at stake, and to falter now would be to 
submerge our cherished liberties, and to throw back 
civilization for all time. (Applause.) 

Mr. Kempster then proceeded to trace the rise of Ger- 
many, showing how from a struggle for freedom, the aim 
of the German peoples was turned to a war of conquest, 
which found its first fruits in the victory over France in 
1870 and the annexation of Alsace-Loraine. Having ex- 
plained and considered the doctrine of the balance of 
power in Europe, the main object of which was by an 
artificial grouping of the leading nations to prevent any 
one Power being able to dominate all the others, the 
speaker dealt with the European situation preceding the 
war, when the whole Continent of Europe for nearly 
forty years has been an armed camp. This armed peace 
was on the verge of breaking down in 19 12 over the 
Balkan War, which was indirectly occasioned by Austria's 
action and by German intrigue. It nearly precipitated 
at the time a general conflagration. Thanks largely to 
the efforts of a British statesman. Sir Edward Grey — 
(applause) — a precarious peace was temporarily effected. 
But there is no doubt that this act of i\ustria's revealed 



Austro-German policy, and at the recent Balkan Confer- 
ence, held in London, our diplomatists saw the drift of 
impending events. 

THE AUSTRO-GERMAN COUP. 

The storm was gathering, and one morning news 
flashed round the world that the heir to the Austrian 
throne, the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and his wife, 
had been assassinated at Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. 
It is asserted by Austria that the deed was done by an 
agent in the secret service of Servia, a Slav State ; but 
this is denied by the Servian Government, which pointed 
out that the assassins were Austrian subjects. Austria 
demanded instant reparation. But behind Austria was 
Germany. Thwarted by Agadir and Algeciras, the Kaiser 
would brook no further diplomatic rebuff. Germany 
was ready as in 1870 ; she had Austria at her side ; Italy, 
too, she thought. She looked around, and saw France 
in the throes of a political squabble; Russia not yet 
recovered from defeat by Japan ; England absorbed in 
domestic reform, and political division in Ireland, her 
army and fleet seemingly disaffected, and civil war, ac- 
cording to her press and publicists, impending. The Kiel 
Canal was just completed, doubling the strategic value 
of the German fleet. The time of the year was, as in 
1870, suitable for marching. So she again threw down 
her iron dice, but this time, not for European, but for 
world power. ''U riser Zukunft liegt auf das Meer" — 
''Our future lies on the sea," and Deiitschland iiher alles," 
— "Germany above all," were in her thoughts. France 
must be "bled white," Russia must be beaten back and 
weakened. Still the British Empire barred the war to 
world dominion. It, too, must be crushed and humiliated. 
Bismarck contemptuously branded his opponents in Ger- 
many who pressed for internal reform as those who 



"wore blinkers and only saw a spot of the world." The 
present Kaiser, though he dropped the pilot, did not 
drop his policy, but added to it "Csesardom." 

THE WHITE PAPER. 

The next chapter in the book of fate is best told in 
the White Paper, a verbatim report of the correspondence 
and negotiations between the Great Powers of Europe. 
This document is a credit to the cleanness of British 
diplomacy and its distinguished Minister. (Applause.) 
From first to last, Great Britain strove, now by this 
suggestion, then by that, skilfully and patiently, for 
peace, aided by Italy and France, and backed by Russia. 
But Austria was implacable, and Germany, who by a 
single word to Austria could have done so much, did 
nothing, nor pretended to do anything, till it was obvi- 
ously too late, though knowing, as is proved by the 
White Paper, that war with Russia would inevitably 
follow an Austrian attack on Servia, domination of 
Servia by Austria being as intolerable to Russia as the 
dependence of the Netherlands to Germany would be 
to Great Britain. (Hear, hear.) Sir Edward Grey 
pointed out that he had never before seen one State 
address to another independent State a document of so 
formidable a character as the Austrian note to Servia, 
threatening the maintenance of Servians independence, 
which, if accepted, would have been the greatest humili- 
ation a country could undergo. There is ample evidence 
that the German Emperor was aware of the contents 
of this note prior to its dispatch. Russia clearly saw 
that the action was directed against her. The Servian 
Government agreed to all Austria's demands, except 
the article asking Servia to accept the collaboration in 
Servia of representatives of the Austro-Hungarian Gov- 
ernment ; but Servia went the length of declaring that 



she would "admit such collaboration as agrees with the 
principles of international law, with criminal procedure, 
and with good neighborly relations." The Russian Am- 
bassador at Vienna clearly perceived that Austria was 
determined on war. relying on Germany's assistance. Sir 
Edward Grey told the German Ambassador in London 
that the Servian reply went further than could have been 
expected, and urged moderation at Vienna. Even the 
German Secretary of State had to admit that there were 
some things in the Austrian note that Servia could 
hardly be expected to accept. Austria point blank re- 
jected Servia's reply, and declared war with Servia. 
That more than mere chastisement was aimed at was 
evident, as the German Ambassador in Paris admitted 
that he could give no assurance that the independence 
of Servia would be respected. Despite denials, Germany 
was already overtly recalling officers on leave, and 
Russia started mobilizing. Germany then tried to pur- 
chase our assistance by a bribe, in the shape of an offer 
to respect French territory, but when pressed, admitted 
they could give no such undertaking in respect of the 
French colonies, nor as to respecting the neutrality of 
Belgium. Britain's honor was not for sale — (applause) — 
and Germany was so informed in polite terms. Our 
reply ran: — 

"What Germany asks us in effect is to engage to 
stand by while French colonies are taken, and France 
is beaten, so long as Germany does not take French 
territory as distinct from the colonies. From the ma- 
terial point of view such a proposal is unacceptable, 
for France, without further territory in Europe being 
taken from her, could be so crushed as to lose her 
position as a Great Power, and become subordinate 
to German policy." 

6 



We, however, let it be known that we should not feel 
called upon to take part in a war over a purely Balkan 
question between Russia and Austria, or in a struggle 
for supremacy between Teuton and Slav ; but if a general 
European war ensued, involving also Germany and 
France, where the hegemony of Europe was concerned, 
we reserved to ourselves the right to take whatever 
course seemed right. (Applause.) Our Foreign Sec- 
retary during the fortnight preceding the war sent tele- 
gram after telegram to Berlin, St. Petersburg, Rome, 
Paris and Belgrade, couched in sincere and frank lan- 
guage, all aiming at finding some peaceful solution 
acceptable to Austria and Germany, but all in vain. It 
is clear as noonday that both these Powers were deter- 
mined on war, in default of a brutal humiliation, as a 
prelude to the next aggression. France pressed for 
Britain's support, but we did not commit ourselves, as 
unconditional support might have weakened our hands 
in the supreme effort for peace. It would have been a 
disgrace for us to make a bargain \vith Germany at the 
expense of France — (hear, hear) — a disgrace from which 
the good name of this country w^ould never have re- 
covered. (Hear, hear.) The German Chancellor also, 
in effect, asked us to bargain away whatever obligation 
or interest we have as regards the neutrality of Belgium. 
We could not entertain that bargain either. We empha- 
sized that the one way of maintaining good relations be- 
tween England and Germany was to work together to 
preserve the peace of Europe, and Sir Edward Grey 
made this remarkable overture for peace. He said : — 

"If the peace of Europe can be preserved, my en- 
deavor will be to promote some arrangement to which 
Germany could be a party, by which she could be as- 
sured that no aggressive or hostile policy would be 



pursued against her or her aUies, by France, Russia 
or ourselves, jointly or separately." 

Could sincere good-will go further? Germany's re- 
ply was to prepare for offensive military action on the 
French frontier, and call up the reservists, her first move 
towards mobilization having been made on the precise 
day on which Austria presented her note to Servia. Still 
Sir Edward Grey did not despair, and told the German 
Ambassador that if Germany could get any reasonable 
proposal put forward which made it clear that Germany 
and Austria were striving to preserve European peace, 
and that Russia and France would be unreasonable if they 
rejected it, Great Britain would go the length of saying 
that if Russia and France would not accept it His Ma- 
jesty's Government would have nothing to do with the 
consequences. By this time Austria was already mov- 
ing troops against Russia, as well as against Servia. 
Then, though Russia and Germany were mobilizing, 
we still declined to give France a pledge to interfere, 
and asked both France and Germany to give assurance 
that they would respect the neutrality of Belgium. 
France assented, Germany refused to give any such 
undertaking, but asked whether, if she gave a promise 
not to violate Belgium neutrality, England would remain 
neutral. We rejected this specious proposal. Germany's 
motives were by this time obvious, and we wisely de- 
declined to bind our hands. Our honor was at stake. 
One last effort was made by Sir Edward Grey in an en- 
deavor to bring Austria and Russia together, but it was 
too late to avert the impending catastrophe. 

On August 1st Germany and France mobilized their 
armies, and Germany declared war upon Russia ; a 
German force entered the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg, 
and Germany also demanded a free passage through 



Belgium, threatening in case of refusal to treat Belgium 
as an enemy. Little Belgium appealed to Great Britain 
— (applause) — her brave King asking King George for 
support in the following terms : — 

''Remembering the numerous proofs of Your Ma- 
jesty's friendship, and that of your predecessor, and 
the friendly attitude of England in 1870, and the proof 
of friendship you have just given us again, I make a 
supreme appeal to the diplomatic intervention of Your 
Majesty's Government to safeguard the integrity of 
Belgium." 

We replied that if Germany violated Belgium neu- 
trality we would assist her, and sent our ultimatum to 
Germany, which expired at 12, midnight, on Tuesday, 
August 4th. (Applause.) Germany and Austria were 
shortly afterwards at war with Russia, France and our- 
selves. 

THE GERMAN ATTITUDE. 

Germany now tore off the flimsy mask, and drew the 
sword, soon to be stained with the blood of the heroic 
Belgians defending their homes against the power that 
had guaranteed their neutrality, and misery, cruelty, 
rapine, lust, fire and bloodshed dulled the shining armor 
of the War Lord. Not mere conquest, but destruction 
of defenceless towns and villages, soon marked the ruth- 
less progress of the German Army, whose honor will for 
all times be stained by one of the greatest crimes com- 
mitted by^a^nation, vandalism reminiscent of the Huns, 
the razing of the historic city of Louvain to the ground. 

We have now traced the causes of the great conflict, 
and seen how Prussian militarism gradually acquired 
a predominance in Germany, and has aimed, first at 



supremacy in Europe on land, and now at world-wide 
supremacy, involving command of the sea. France and 
Russia stand in the way of continental ambition and 
the British Empire obstructs Germany's pretensions to 
become the great world power. The German people, 
their finer feelings dulled by militarism, their passions 
inflamed by Pan-Germanic visions, are w^illing ac- 
complices of the Emperor and his armies. Not that 
the whole German people have lost the idealism of 
their great poet, Goethe, and deliberately pursued their 
]\Iachavelian policy, but the ruling caste has, and the 
nation having identified itself with the Napoleonic idea, 
cannot escape responsibility for the results. They hoped 
first to seduce the honor of our country, and next to de- 
stroy France and blot it from the map as a power ; then, 
turning their forces eastw^ard, to overawe and come to 
terms with Russia, and finally to make a supreme effort 
to crush our Empire, and on its downfall, despoil us of 
our colonies. But, thanks to the firmness and decision 
of our Government and people — (applause) — Russia, 
France and the British Empire now stand united against 
the common danger. (Applause.) What is the spirit 
that animates the German Emperor and the overwhelm- 
ing majority of his countrymen? The Emperor, drawing 
his sword and brandishing it over his head, thu? ad- 
dressed his Foot Guards before they left Potsdam for the 
front : — 

"I draw the sword that, with God's help, I have 
kept all these years in the scabbard. I have drawn 
the sword, which, without victory and honor, I cannot 
sheath again. All of you will see to it that only in 
honor is it returned to the scabbard. You are my guar- 
antee that I can dictate peace to my enemies. Up and 
at the foes, and down with the enemies of Branden- 
burg." 

10 



Contrast this theatrical and bombastic blasphemy with 
Abraham Lincoln's motto: — 

''With malice towards none, with charity for all, 
with firmness in the right, as God gives ns to see the 
right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to 
bind up this nation's wounds, to care for him who 
shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and or- 
phan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just 
and lasting peace." 

(Loud applause.) 

THE 'GREAT ISSUES. 

Finally, what are the broad issues? Were Germany 
to succeed, she would have destroyed France, weakened 
Russia, dismembered the British Empire, Australia and 
South Africa would be Germanized, Belgium, Holland, 
Denmark and Switzerland would ciuickly lose their inde- 
pendence, Austria and the Balkan States would be at her 
feet, Italy would be powerless to resist whatever terms 
might be imposed upon her for future good behavior, 
Turkey, the sick man, Germany's fit ally, would get his 
deserts. And then, with Germany in command of the 
sea, our trade and commerce at her mercy, why, in the 
not too distant future, should not South America be 
within her sphere of influence? And if the United 
States proved unwilling to sacrifice her independence on 
the altar of Pan-Germanism, she, too, as a branch of the 
hated Anglo-Saxon race, might, in time of internal dif- 
ficulty, be overawed. 

But if Germany be beaten, as we must see she is — 
(hear, hear) — what will be the result? The power of 
German and Prussian militarism will be broken, its Im- 
perial House discredited, possibly its dynasty ended, its 
phantasm of universal world dominion shattered. A new 

II 



Germany will arise, chastened, released from the thral- 
dom of a despotic autocracy, and free to pursue a sane 
course toward liberty and real progress. (Applause.) 
The world will be rid of an oppressive nightmare, of im- 
pending catastrophe, and Europe, no longer an armed 
camp, will breathe freely once again. (Applause.) 

The great conflict is between Right and Might, between 
Liberty and Tyranny, between the Spiritual and the 
Material. And be the conflict short or long, let us, the 
people of Great Britain and Ireland, and of the British 
Empire, face the grave issues that confront us with calm 
and unconquerable spirit. (Loud applause.) 

the: resolution. 

The Rt. Hon. R. G. Glendinning, who was loudly ap- 
plauded, said it was his privilege to move the following 
resolution : — 

''That this meeting of citizens of Belfast, pro- 
foundly believing that we are fighting in a just cause, 
for the vindication of the rights of small States, and 
the public law of Europe, pledges itself unswervingly 
to support the Prime Minister's appeal to the nation, 
and all measures necessary for the prosecution of the 
war to a victorious conclusion, whereby alone the last- 
ing peace of Europe can be assured." 

He thought that if ever a war took place in which a 
nation that apparently stood outside was justified in 
joining forces with others the present war was such. 
(Hear, hear.) They saw the position in which a small 
and gallant State was placed. Belgium was threatened 
by an overwhelming Power that proposed to march 
through her territory, and they had taken up the cause 
of that small State, and so were engaged in that tre- 
mendous war — perhaps the greatest that had ever been 

12 . * 



seen. He was glad to say that the dark clouds which 
faced them in the first few weeks had materially bright- 
ened. (Applause.) The great bully of Europe was 
moving steadily away from France and Belgium, and 
he hoped that before many months had passed they 
would see him enclosed in Berlin, and as soon as that 
happened they might look forward to a revolution in Ger- 
many that would see the last of the Kaiser and his offi- 
cers. (Applause.) The sooner that came the better for 
all Europe. (Hear, hear.) 

Mr. Jas. Wood, who seconded the resolution, said he 
was a man of peace, and he agreed with the chairman 
that war was the last thing in the world, but if war could 
ever be defended, in his judgment, the war they had 
entered upon was not only a just war, but an absolutely 
necessary war. When the history of the future came to 
be written he believed that England would come out of 
it without a blot upon her escutcheon. (Applause.) 

Rev. R. W. Seaver, B.D., said if he had any politics 
they were the politics of an Irish patriot — (applause) — 
the politics of one who believed that there was time when 
none should be for his party, but when all shoulci be for 
the State. (Applause.) It was a treat to attend a meet- 
ing of Belfast citizens from which party politics were 
rigorously excluded. (Applause.) Mr. Kempster had 
delivered his lecture in a calm, impartial spirit, without 
any jingoism about it. He had striven to show them that 
they were fighting against the spirit of militarism. Like 
the other speakers, he looked upon war as a terrible evil, 
but sometimes force had to be used when all other power 
failed. They believed that war was the result of wrong- 
doing on some side ; so far as they knew their hands were 
clean and their consciences pure. (Hear, hear.) Was 
it not a great thing to feel that England's Army in the 
last weeks of August had stood side by side unflinch- 

13 



ingly and with the old stubborn resistance through that 
awful ordeal at Mons, and saved the Allies' armies. 
(Applause.) He was proud to think that the same spirit 
that possessed their fathers at Waterloo still possessed 
them, and proved that they were not recreant sons of 
their sires. (Applause.) They had drawn the sword for 
justice in the name of God, and in that Name they would 
conquer. (Applause.) He hoped that this awful war 
would have the effect of making them better men and 
women, and that they would appJy to the evils around 
them the same qualities they had displayed in that great 
struggle. They had many social evils in their midst — 
they had the cry of the outcast, the poor, and the sweated 
— and he hoped that now that their hearts had been 
touched and they had shown such noble charity toward 
the sufferings of their gallant soldiers and their wives 
and children, they would show the same spirit and apply 
it to the miseries of their city. (Applause.) 

The resolution was then put to the meeting and unani- 
mously passed, after which a hearty vote of thanks was 
passed to ]\Ir. Kempster on the motion of Mr. Wm. 
Hunter, J. P., seconded by Mr. Thomas M'Dowell. Mr. 
Kempster having replied, the meeting terminated with 
the singing of the National Anthem. 



14 



Oeacidified using the Bookkeeper process. 
Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Ox.de 

Treatment Date: ^p 2SUl 

PreservationTechnologies 

I WORLD LEADER .N PAPER PRESERVAT.ON 

*''°'*'-° 111 Thomson Park Dnve 

Cranberry Township. PA 16066 

(724)779-2111 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 







021 547 843 9 • 



